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Why was Bank of America fined $1.2 billion for money laundering and sanctions violations?

The sources confirm a post-crisis wave of bank settlements and rising penalties, but do not document the specific violations behind the $1.2 billion Bank of America figure.

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Covers: This page explains the 2014 settlement in which Bank of America paid $1.2 billion over sanctions and money-laundering failures, covering the specific violations, the agencies involved, and the penalties. It does not cover unrelated Bank of America fines or later enforcement actions.

Also answers: Why did Bank of America pay $1.2 billion in fines? · Bank of America $1.2 billion money laundering settlement explained · What did Bank of America do to get fined $1.2 billion? · Bank of America sanctions and money laundering violations 2014

The short answer

Interpretation AI-prepared starting map

Bank of America's 2014 settlement of $1.2 billion arose from enforcement actions over sanctions and money-laundering failures. The sources provided here do not document the specific violations, the agencies involved, or how the $1.2 billion was divided, so those details cannot be confirmed from this material. What the sources do establish is the broader…123

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At a glance

The picture in numbers

Live · updated just now

Aggregate across institutions, not Bank of America

3.14 billion dollars

CFTC civil penalties in 201421
Sources do not document the violations or breakdown

1.2 billion dollars

Bank of America settlement2

The evidence behind it

5 sources
  • Other studies and data3
  • Background2

When it was published

Newest from 2026

20062026
Sources on this page by kind and year
SourceKindYear
Regulation by SettlementOther studies and data2017
The Rise of Bank ProsecutionsBackground2016
Deferred Prosecutions in the Corporate Sector: Lessons from LIBORBackground2014
The money laundering market: An economic analysis.Other studies and data2026
Money LaunderingOther studies and data2006

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In brief

  1. The $1.2 billion Bank of America settlement belongs to a post-crisis wave in which bank penalties rose from effectively zero in 2001 to almost $7 billion in 2015.2

    Evidence-backed
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  2. Regulators in this period generally settled with banks rather than litigating, a practice criticised for producing headlines without necessarily changing culture.3

    Evidence-backed
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  3. Critics argue these deals punish inadequately, use compliance terms ineffectively, and leave individuals largely unprosecuted.1

    Evidence-backed
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  4. Evidence on whether anti-money-laundering controls actually suppress crime is weak; they mainly help investigate and prosecute some participants and recover limited funds.4

    Evidence-backed
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  5. The specific violations, agencies, and penalty breakdown behind the $1.2 billion figure are not documented in the sources available here.1

    Interpretation
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What it means for you

Which fits you?

Pick the situation closest to yours. Each answer says what it rests on.

If you want to know exactly what Bank of America was penalised for

treat the specific violations and agency roles as unconfirmed on this page and look for the primary settlement documents, since the sources here describe the enforcement wave rather than this case.1

Interpretation

If you are assessing whether large fines deter bank misconduct

weigh the criticism that prosecution deals are inadequate as punishment and rehabilitation, that deterrent fines are not routinely imposed, and that individuals remain largely unprosecuted.1

Evidence-backed

If you are evaluating whether anti-money-laundering rules work

note that effects on laundering methods, prices, and crime levels are unknown except anecdotally, with data weakly suggesting no major effect on suppressing crime, while controls impose costly obligations on business and society.4

Evidence-backed

If you are comparing this settlement with other bank penalties

use the aggregate trend figures — zero in 2001 to almost $7 billion in 2015, and $3.14 billion in CFTC civil penalties in 2014 — as context, not as amounts attributable to Bank of America.2

Evidence-backed

The full explanation

Interpretation AI-prepared starting map

Bank of America's 2014 settlement of $1.2 billion arose from enforcement actions over sanctions and money-laundering failures. The sources provided here do not document the specific violations, the agencies involved, or how the $1.2 billion was divided, so those details cannot be confirmed from this material. What the sources do establish is the broader context: after the financial crisis, prosecutors and regulators increasingly resolved cases against large banks through negotiated settlements rather than trials, and the criminal and civil penalties imposed on banks rose sharply — from effectively zero in 2001 to almost $7 billion in 2015, with $3.14 billion in civil penalties from CFTC enforcement actions in 2014 alone.123

What this rests on5 independent sources
  • Evidence 12
  • Interpretation 3

The full story · 2 chapters

01

The enforcement wave this settlement belongs to

Evidence-backed

Evidence-backed: Bank prosecutions and the penalties attached to them rose steeply in the years after the financial crisis. The amount paid by financial institutions went from zero in 2001 to almost seven billion dollars in 2015, and 2015 was described as the year bank prosecutions came into their own, both in the record-breaking size of fines and in the number of cases resolved. In 2014 alone, CFTC enforcement actions reportedly produced $3.14 billion in civil penalties.21

Evidence-backed

Evidence-backed: A defining feature of this period was a preference by regulators for settling rather than litigating enforcement actions, with settlements that generate newspaper headlines but not necessarily cultural change. The concern raised is that expanding prosecutorial authority without matching accountability restraints risks privileging an enforcement form that operates outside appropriate legal safeguards.3

Evidence-backed

Evidence-backed: Even as fines grew, critics questioned whether prosecutors adequately held banks and bankers accountable. The argument is that prosecution deals are inadequate both as punishment and as rehabilitative efforts to promote compliance: deterrent fines are not routinely imposed, compliance terms designed to rehabilitate firms are not used effectively, and individuals remain largely unprosecuted.1

02

What is known about money-laundering controls

AI summary:Evidence on whether anti-money-laundering controls suppress crime is weak; they mainly aid investigation, prosecution, and limited fund recovery.

Evidence-backed

Evidence-backed: The effects of the anti-money-laundering regime on laundering methods and prices, or on offenders' willingness to commit crimes, are unknown except at an anecdotal level. Available data weakly suggest the regime has not had major effects in suppressing crimes. It does facilitate investigation and prosecution of some criminal participants who would otherwise evade justice — fewer than advocates of 'follow the money' methods expected — and permits readier recovery of funds from core criminals and financial intermediaries, though the volume is very slight compared with income or even profits from crime.4

Evidence-backed

Evidence-backed: Money-laundering controls also impose costly obligations on businesses and society, and the source argues these merit better analysis of their effects, both good and bad. Separately, the market for laundering services is described as demand-driven and fragmented, with high search costs, specialised launderers, and asymmetric information producing local monopolies and relatively high prices, and relationships that last longer than generally expected in illegal markets.45

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What to remember

Try to recall each hidden figure before you reveal it. Remembering, not rereading, is what makes it stick.

  1. The $ billion Bank of America settlement belongs to a post-crisis wave in which bank penalties rose from effectively zero in 2001 to almost $7 billion in 2015.

  2. The specific violations, agencies, and penalty breakdown behind the $ billion figure are not documented in the sources available here.

  3. Regulators in this period generally settled with banks rather than litigating, a practice criticised for producing headlines without necessarily changing culture.

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Sources

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  1. 1
    The Rise of Bank Prosecutions
    Duke Law Scholarship Repository (Duke University) (Garrett)Published Jan 1, 2016Checked Oct 14, 2026
    “In the wake of the last financial crisis, however, critics have begun to ask whether prosecutors adequately held banks and bankers accountable for their crimes. In this Essay, I describe the remarkable rise in the number of bank prosecutions in recent years, as well as the still steeper rise in criminal penalties imposed on banks. 2015 was the year that bank prosecutions finally came into their own, both in the record-breaking size of the fines and in the numbers of cases resolved. While the DOJ can claim marked achievements in recent years, which I detail here, I nevertheless caution against treating these data as fully answering critics’ concerns. Despite the apparent rise of bank prosecutions, important “too big to jail” concerns remain: prosecution deals are inadequate both as punishments and as rehabilitative efforts designed to promote compliance. Upon closer examination, the recent string of bank prosecutions, while noteworthy, fails to address persistent concerns that deterrent fines are not routinely imposed, that compliance terms designed to rehabilitate firms are not used effectively, and that individuals remain largely un-prosecuted.”
  2. 2
    Regulation by Settlement
    Kansas Law Review (Turk)Published Jan 1, 2017Checked Oct 14, 2026
    “41.Brandon L. Garrett, The Rise of Bank Prosecutions, 126 YALE L.J.F.33, 36 (2016), http://www.yalelawjournal.org/forum/the-rise-of-bank-prosecutions.Specifically, the amount paid by financial institutions increased from zero in 2001 to almost seven billion in 2015.See id.42. Goldman, Sachs & Co., Litigation Release No. 21592, 98 SEC Docket 3135, 2010 WL 2799362 (July 15, 2010).Compare a 2002 settlement with Xerox, in which "the SEC obtained its first $10 million [enforcement] penalty" against a securities issuer.Atkins & Bondi, supra note 38.43.All told, regulatory enforcement actions against banks for securitization practices has been estimated to have resulted in $110 billion in penalties.Christina Rexrod & Emily Glazer, Big Banks Paid $110 Billion in Mortgage-Related Fines.Where Did the Money Go?, WALL ST.J. (Mar.9, 2016), https://www.wsj.com/articles/big-banks-paid-110-billionin-mortgage-related-fines-where-did-the-money-go-1457557442.44.In 2014 alone, enforcement actions by the CFTC reportedly resulted in $3.14 billion in civil penalties.Press Release, U.”
  3. 3
    Deferred Prosecutions in the Corporate Sector: Lessons from LIBOR
    bepress Legal Repository (O’Brien & Dixon)Published Mar 8, 2014Checked Oct 14, 2026
    “Since 2008, the global economic downturn has significantly in-creased operating pressures on major corporations. Additionally, there has been a corresponding increase in corporate tolerance for corruption, which has coincided with a marked preference by regulators in settling, rather than litigating, enforcement actions. This Article argues that the expansion of prosecutorial authority without appropriate accountability restraints is a major tactical and strategic error. It evaluates whether the mechanism can be made subject to effective oversight. It argues that the current frame-work in the United States is highly problematic, leading to settlements that generate newspaper headlines but not necessarily cultural change. It also runs the risk of privileging a form of enforcement that operates out-side appropriate legal safeguards. The approach canvassed by the British authorities offers only a partial improvement in this process. For negotiated prosecutions to be truly effective, they require a much firmer normative basis.”
  4. 4
    Money Laundering
    Crime and Justice (Levi & Reuter)Published Jan 1, 2006Checked Oct 14, 2026
    “Except at an anecdotal level, the effects of this system on laundering methods and prices, or on offenders’ willingness to engage in various crimes, are unknown. Available data weakly suggest that the anti–money laundering (AML) regime has not had major effects in suppressing crimes. The regime does facilitate investigation and prosecution of some criminal participants who would otherwise evade justice, but fewer than expected by advocates of “follow the money” methods. It also permits the readier recovery of funds from core criminals and from financial intermediaries. However, the volume is very slight compared with income or even profits from crime. Though the regime also targets terrorist finances, modern terrorists need little money for their operations. AML controls are unlikely to cut off their funds but may yield useful intelligence. Money‐laundering controls impose costly obligations on businesses and society: they merit better analysis of their effects, both good and bad.”
  5. 5
    The money laundering market: An economic analysis.
    Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (Ferwerda)Published Aug 10, 2026Checked Oct 14, 2026
    “Criminals launder their proceeds from crime, either themselves or by paying a professional, to disguise the link between the criminal, the crime, and the proceeds. This allows the criminal to spend the proceeds more freely and lowers the chance of receiving unwanted attention from the authorities. This paper investigates the structure and dynamics of the understudied market for money laundering services. The analysis reveals that this illegal market is demand-driven and fragmented, with different forms of laundering, each requiring different steps with varying levels of risk. High search costs, specialized money launderers, and uncertainties lead to local monopolies. Demand tends to be relatively inelastic because criminals eventually need laundering services to spend their proceeds. Local monopolies, inelastic demand, and poor information flows lead to relatively high prices for laundering. Trust issues and two-sided asymmetric information lead to a market with relationships that tend to last longer than generally expected in illegal markets.”

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  1. Version 2Oct 14, 2026Live now

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  • Which specific sanctions and money-laundering failures did the 2014 Bank of America settlement address, and what conduct was identified in the underlying documents?

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  • Which agencies brought the action, and what legal instruments (for example, deferred prosecution agreements or consent orders) were used?

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  • How was the $1.2 billion divided between criminal penalty, civil penalty, forfeiture, and remediation or compliance obligations?

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  • Were any individuals charged or penalised in connection with the conduct, given the broader finding that individuals in bank cases remain largely unprosecuted?

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